T the funeral … they said that I should take the child. And I said, how will I take the child yet I’m sick? And the thieves have taken all my animals. And at least there, he will have milk to eat, and I refused to take him … this child is yours not mine. And after I buried the mother, three days passed … they came and brought this baby saying their mother said this child is supposed to be here …Yet I said I don’t need him. And they left him. He was very sick. He was very sick. He nearly died … ‘M’e Masello highlights the complexity of fostering AIDS orphans. She felt that she did not have the resources or physical capabilities to care for Lebo and his siblings, yet there was no one else willing to care for them. The children were left with her after lengthy discussions between the two BMS-214662 biological activity families and their chiefs. However, this does not indicate any lack of love or affection for the children on her part. She was particularly close with Lebo. She often emphasized how happy she was to be living with the children, and how much they helped her. Nevertheless, although she was deemed most capable of caring for Lebo and his siblings, this did not mean that they were ensured adequate care. Although, initially, ‘M’e Masello was physically and mentally able to provide for the children, for the last year of her life she was unable to give them the care they needed. This was especially true for Lebo, whose HIV regimen was particularly complex owing to numerous misdiagnoses. As a result of his grandmother’s sickness, his adherence to his antiretroviral treatment declined. I learned recently that ‘M’e Masello had died. Now the struggle to find a caregiver for the children has begun again.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptConclusionA history of dependence on migrant labour, changing marriage practices, and HIV/ AIDS have altered kin-based fostering networks among Basotho families. More children are in need of care, yet there are fewer caregivers to provide it. In rural communities, whereJ R Anthropol Inst. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 08.BlockPageinstitutionalized care is unavailable and external support is limited, kin-based care is the only option. In order to cope with these pressures, families are organizing themselves by focusing their resources matrilocally. Yet they are making sense of this model of care within the patrilineal system of child fostering. This is most evident in the ways family members negotiate for the care of children. In particular, primarily elderly female caregivers attempt to demonstrate their right to the children, often focusing on the presence or absence of Mangafodipir (trisodium) clinical trials bridewealth as key to their negotiation strategies. Simultaneously, there is an overriding emphasis on the quality of care that potential caregivers can provide (Ksoll 2007). The day-to-day role of women in this system has not drastically changed: women still do the majority of the care work. In fact, women are being called upon to care for an increased number of children — including those with greater health problems — yet with diminishing resources. What has changed, however, is the role a woman’s natal family plays in supporting her. In a context where marriage is a risk factor for contracting HIV (Smith 2007), but where having children still holds significant social value (Booth 2004), an easily dissolvable marriage may be seen as advantageous by mothers and maternal grandmothers, who can manipulate t.T the funeral … they said that I should take the child. And I said, how will I take the child yet I’m sick? And the thieves have taken all my animals. And at least there, he will have milk to eat, and I refused to take him … this child is yours not mine. And after I buried the mother, three days passed … they came and brought this baby saying their mother said this child is supposed to be here …Yet I said I don’t need him. And they left him. He was very sick. He was very sick. He nearly died … ‘M’e Masello highlights the complexity of fostering AIDS orphans. She felt that she did not have the resources or physical capabilities to care for Lebo and his siblings, yet there was no one else willing to care for them. The children were left with her after lengthy discussions between the two families and their chiefs. However, this does not indicate any lack of love or affection for the children on her part. She was particularly close with Lebo. She often emphasized how happy she was to be living with the children, and how much they helped her. Nevertheless, although she was deemed most capable of caring for Lebo and his siblings, this did not mean that they were ensured adequate care. Although, initially, ‘M’e Masello was physically and mentally able to provide for the children, for the last year of her life she was unable to give them the care they needed. This was especially true for Lebo, whose HIV regimen was particularly complex owing to numerous misdiagnoses. As a result of his grandmother’s sickness, his adherence to his antiretroviral treatment declined. I learned recently that ‘M’e Masello had died. Now the struggle to find a caregiver for the children has begun again.Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author Manuscript Author ManuscriptConclusionA history of dependence on migrant labour, changing marriage practices, and HIV/ AIDS have altered kin-based fostering networks among Basotho families. More children are in need of care, yet there are fewer caregivers to provide it. In rural communities, whereJ R Anthropol Inst. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2015 April 08.BlockPageinstitutionalized care is unavailable and external support is limited, kin-based care is the only option. In order to cope with these pressures, families are organizing themselves by focusing their resources matrilocally. Yet they are making sense of this model of care within the patrilineal system of child fostering. This is most evident in the ways family members negotiate for the care of children. In particular, primarily elderly female caregivers attempt to demonstrate their right to the children, often focusing on the presence or absence of bridewealth as key to their negotiation strategies. Simultaneously, there is an overriding emphasis on the quality of care that potential caregivers can provide (Ksoll 2007). The day-to-day role of women in this system has not drastically changed: women still do the majority of the care work. In fact, women are being called upon to care for an increased number of children — including those with greater health problems — yet with diminishing resources. What has changed, however, is the role a woman’s natal family plays in supporting her. In a context where marriage is a risk factor for contracting HIV (Smith 2007), but where having children still holds significant social value (Booth 2004), an easily dissolvable marriage may be seen as advantageous by mothers and maternal grandmothers, who can manipulate t.
