Cent research from the Gallup Polls indicating that Pentecostals report higher levels of religious Luteolin 7-O-��-D-glucoside biological activity service attendance than Baptists, while Baptists, in turn, report higher levels of service attendance than Catholics and Episcopalians (Newport, 2006). The findings are also consistent with research on immigrants which found that higher service attendance among immigrants from sectarian groups (i.e., Pentecostals, Seven Day Adventists) (Alanezi Sherkat, 2008). Due to their relatively small sample sizes, many prior analyses do not differentiate Episcopalians from other religious denominations. This denominational group, however, is somewhat larger among Caribbean Blacks. The present analysis showed that despite media representations of Episcopalians as having a more secular outlook, Caribbean Blacks who are Episcopalians report levels of religiosity (i.e., non-organizational and subjective religiosity) that are comparable to persons who identify as Baptists. Several BMS-791325 msds differences did emerge, however, in which both Episcopalians and Catholics engaged in other church activities less frequently than Baptists, while Catholics were less likely to be official members of their churches and to read religious materials. Foley and Hoge’s (2007) analysis of immigrant religion suggests that differences in organizational culture (e.g., house of worship, family-style, community-style, civic leader) that are broadly associated with denomination shape types of religious involvement and expression within faith communities. Catholic congregations are characterized as hierarchical and emphasizing formal structure, whereas evangelical congregations stress lay involvement and participation and cohesive social networks. Accordingly, denominational differences in participation in other church activities could be related to a greater number of internal groups and organizations (e.g., men’s and women’s choirs, auxiliary groups) within Baptist churches as compared to Catholic and Episcopalian congregations. However, it is important to exercise caution when discussing and interpreting denominational differences in religious participation, particularly in relation to statements regarding comparative levels of religious devotion. Normative expectations for religious involvement differ significantly by and within denominations and may be formally structured by specific practices, traditions and requirements of specific religious institutions (Foley Hoge, 2007; Newport, 2006). Immigration status was significantly related to 5 of the 10 measures of religious participation. In most instances, native born Blacks of Caribbean descent had lower levels of religious participation (i.e., church attendance, read religious materials, requests for prayer, and religious upbringing) than those who had immigrated. This is particularly true for immigrants who have been in the United States for 6 to 10 years and 11 to 20 years. Church membership was only exception in which very recent immigrants (0? years in U.S.) were less likely to be official members of their place of worship than native born Caribbean Blacks. This suggests that although immigrants (6 to 10 years in the U.S.) are more likely to attend church than native-born Caribbean Blacks, more recent arrivals may not have yet selected a church to join. Similarly, recent immigrants may be reluctant to officially join a church if they see their time in the U.S. as temporary. Overall, these results indicating significant relations.Cent research from the Gallup Polls indicating that Pentecostals report higher levels of religious service attendance than Baptists, while Baptists, in turn, report higher levels of service attendance than Catholics and Episcopalians (Newport, 2006). The findings are also consistent with research on immigrants which found that higher service attendance among immigrants from sectarian groups (i.e., Pentecostals, Seven Day Adventists) (Alanezi Sherkat, 2008). Due to their relatively small sample sizes, many prior analyses do not differentiate Episcopalians from other religious denominations. This denominational group, however, is somewhat larger among Caribbean Blacks. The present analysis showed that despite media representations of Episcopalians as having a more secular outlook, Caribbean Blacks who are Episcopalians report levels of religiosity (i.e., non-organizational and subjective religiosity) that are comparable to persons who identify as Baptists. Several differences did emerge, however, in which both Episcopalians and Catholics engaged in other church activities less frequently than Baptists, while Catholics were less likely to be official members of their churches and to read religious materials. Foley and Hoge’s (2007) analysis of immigrant religion suggests that differences in organizational culture (e.g., house of worship, family-style, community-style, civic leader) that are broadly associated with denomination shape types of religious involvement and expression within faith communities. Catholic congregations are characterized as hierarchical and emphasizing formal structure, whereas evangelical congregations stress lay involvement and participation and cohesive social networks. Accordingly, denominational differences in participation in other church activities could be related to a greater number of internal groups and organizations (e.g., men’s and women’s choirs, auxiliary groups) within Baptist churches as compared to Catholic and Episcopalian congregations. However, it is important to exercise caution when discussing and interpreting denominational differences in religious participation, particularly in relation to statements regarding comparative levels of religious devotion. Normative expectations for religious involvement differ significantly by and within denominations and may be formally structured by specific practices, traditions and requirements of specific religious institutions (Foley Hoge, 2007; Newport, 2006). Immigration status was significantly related to 5 of the 10 measures of religious participation. In most instances, native born Blacks of Caribbean descent had lower levels of religious participation (i.e., church attendance, read religious materials, requests for prayer, and religious upbringing) than those who had immigrated. This is particularly true for immigrants who have been in the United States for 6 to 10 years and 11 to 20 years. Church membership was only exception in which very recent immigrants (0? years in U.S.) were less likely to be official members of their place of worship than native born Caribbean Blacks. This suggests that although immigrants (6 to 10 years in the U.S.) are more likely to attend church than native-born Caribbean Blacks, more recent arrivals may not have yet selected a church to join. Similarly, recent immigrants may be reluctant to officially join a church if they see their time in the U.S. as temporary. Overall, these results indicating significant relations.
